Ancient Greek Accentuation: Synchronic Patterns, Frequency by Philomen Probert

By Philomen Probert

The accessory of many Greek phrases has lengthy been thought of arbitrary, yet Philomen Probert issues to a couple notable correlations among accentuation and a word's synchronic morphological transparency, and among accentuation and be aware frequency, that supply clues to the prehistory of the accessory approach. Bringing jointly comparative proof for the Indo-European accentuation of the appropriate different types with fresh insights into the consequences that lack of transparency and observe frequency have on language switch, Probert makes use of the synchronically observable correlations to bridge the space among the accentuation styles reconstructable for Indo-European and people without delay attested for Greek from the Hellenistic interval onwards.

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Additional resources for Ancient Greek Accentuation: Synchronic Patterns, Frequency Effects, and Prehistory (Oxford Classical Monographs)

Sample text

Where there is no evidence from ancient grammarians, I have had to rely much more on secondary sources, particularly printed editions and any relevant remarks made by editors in their textual apparatus. I would have liked to go back to early accented manuscripts and, where possible, to accented papyri, but a systematic study of these sources at present would have taken me too far aWeld. I have, however, looked at some published editions of papyri and facsimile editions of manuscripts, and satisWed myself that these sources would have made very little diVerence to the data on which the present work is based.

Etc. belong to the various forms of the suYx ‘-æï-’ or to the inXectional endings? In reality, no clear dividing line can be drawn in synchronic terms between a second-declension derivational suYx such as -æï- and the following case/number/gender ending. The -ïı- of ºØªıæïýò is both part of the accusative plural masculine marker -ïıò and part of a form of the suYx -æï-. The Wnal -ò does not by itself give as much information about the case, number, and gender of the form as it does in combination with preceding -ïı-, since ºØªıæüò (nom.

Frr. 52, 53 Hunger). Hunger (1967: 13) takes this grammarian to be the glossographer of that name 24 See the examples discussed by Erbse (1960: 349–52). A date later than (or at least contemporary with) Aristarchus is implied by the scholion in question (cf. Gudeman 1912b). 26 Erbse’s ðhåióôÝïí is a typographical error. 27 See the example discussed by Lehrs (1837: 80–6); Vendryes (1904: 247–8); West (1998–2000: i. pp. xix–xx). g. Arc. 73. 4–5 on Koine âÆıíüò vs. Attic âÆFíïò ‘furnace’. 29 See EM 804.

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