By Sarah Franklin
Ideas approximately kinship are very important not just to figuring out but additionally to forming the various practices and recommendations of up to date society. How do the cultural logics of up to date biopolitics, commodification, and globalization intersect with kinship practices and theories? In what methods do kinship analogies tell medical and scientific practices; and what occurs to kinship whilst it truly is created in such strange websites as biogenetic labs, new reproductive expertise clinics, and the pcs of synthetic lifestyles scientists? How does kinship constitute—and get constituted by—the relatives of strength that draw traces of hierarchy and equality, exclusion and inclusion, ambivalence and violence? The participants check the consequences for kinship of such phenomena as blood transfusions, adoption throughout nationwide borders, genetic help teams, images, and the hot reproductive applied sciences whereas starting from rural China to mid-century Africa to modern Norway and the USA. Addressing those and different well timed matters, Relative Values injects new lifestyles into certainly one of anthropology's most crucial disciplinary traditions.
Posing those and different well timed questions, Relative Values injects an immense interdisciplinary interest into one in all anthropology’s most crucial disciplinary traditions.
Contributors. Mary Bouquet, Janet Carsten, Charis Thompson Cussins, Carol Delaney, Gillian Feeley-Harnik, Sarah Franklin, Deborah Heath, Stefan Helmreich, Signe Howell, Jonathan Marks, Susan McKinnon, Michael G. Peletz, Rayna Rapp, Martine Segalen, Pauline Turner robust, Melbourne Tapper, Karen-Sue Taussig, Kath Weston, Yunxiang Yan
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The essays in Relative Values draw on new paintings in anthropology, technology reviews, gender conception, serious race reviews, and postmodernism to supply an intensive revisioning of kinship and kinship idea. via a mix of vibrant case stories and trenchant theoretical essays, the contributors—a workforce of across the world well-known scholars—examine either the background of kinship thought and its destiny, straight away elevating questions that experience lengthy occupied a principal position in the self-discipline of anthropology and relocating past them.
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Additional resources for Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies
And as Peletz, Howell, and Yan all note, attention to ambivalence and emotional valences produces a different perspective not only on kinship and family but also on the meaning of social structure and the means of theorizing its determining influence. In this way, the self-conscious shift toward the use of practice theory in both Yan's and Peletz's accounts reveals again how close the connection is between the ways kinship is signified analytically and what shows up as kinship as a result. Cultures of Inclusion and Exclusion: Fixing and Crossing Boundaries If, as has been argued, kinship has long been used to conceptualize ideas about the bounded integrity of nations (Schneider 1969; Heng and Devan 1992; Delaney 1995), races and castes (Williams 1995; Haraway 1997), species (Haraway 1992,1997), and bodies and machines (Haraway 1991; Helmreich 1998), it has also been and, especially now, has increasingly become a medium through which both the fixing and crossing of boundaries between these categories is signified.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Clifford, James, and George E. Marcus, eds. 1986. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. , and Sylvia J. Yanagisako, eds. 1987. Gender and Kinship: Essays toward a Unified Analysis. : Stanford University Press. Comaroff, John L. 1987. " In Gender and Kinship: Essays toward a Unified Analysis, edited by Jane F. Collier and Sylvia J. Yanagisako. : Stanford University Press. Das, Veena. 1995. National Honor and Practical Kinship: Unwanted Women and Children.
RESITING KINSHIP STUDIES One of the lasting contributions of the 1982 Wenner-Gren conference on feminism and kinship theory was the critique of the concept of analytic "domains," which had relegated kinship study to specific "types" of society and to differentially gendered "domains" of society (Collier and Yanagisako 1987; for critiques of analytic domaining practices in anthropology, see Kelly 1977; Yanagisako 1979, 1987; Comaroff 1987; Strathern 1992b; Carsten 1997; Ginsburg and Rapp 1995; Yanagisako and Delaney 1995a; McKinnon 2000).